A. Research Papers (Peer-Reviewed)

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    Distribution and Dating of the *s- > /th-/ Shift in Central Trans-Himalayan Languages
    (2024-08-27) DeLancey, Scott
    There is a well-known phenomenon of Proto-Tibeto-Burman *s- shifting to /th-/ in several languages and groups of Northeast India and Western Myanmar, most strikingly in the Baric or Bodo-Garo and South Central or Kuk-Chin languages. The distribution of the shift does not follow any likely genealogical lines, and so must be interpreted as areal. In this paper we see that the shift must have occurred in Proto-Baricand Proto-Kuki-Chin, and thus dates to 1,000-1,500 years ago. It is suggested that the original areally spread of the shift involved contact between the Kamarupan state of the Brahmaputra Valley and the urbanized states of the Chindwin Valley.
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    Notes on the Phuan Lects Spoken in Xiengkhouang, Thathom, and Borikhane (Laos)
    (2024-08-27) Pacquement, Jean
    This study on Phuan first introduces the areas of Laos investigated in Xiengkhouang, Xaysômboun, and Bolikhamxay provinces. A historical account of Xiengkhouang, regarded as the Phuan homeland, is provided. The presentation of the linguistic literature discusses the research on Phuan in Thailand and the lesser-known research on Phuan in Laos. The fifteen tone diagrams for Phuan of this study, which are based on recordings made in thirteen locations, support a tone pattern with a 1-234 split in A and C columns of Gedney’s tone diagram, a 123-4 split in B, DL, and DS columns, and a B-DL quasi-coalescence. Two tone diagrams, for Tai Dam and Tai Daeng lects of Muong Kham (Xiengkhouang), are given for comparison. Other issues concerning the Phuan lects considered include: the reflex /-ɤː/ of Proto-Tai *əï, *eï/ɛï, *oï; diphthongs /iə/, /ɯə/, /uə/; reflexes of DL syllables *CV:k; the initial consonant /h-/ instead of /kh-/; and specific lexical items.
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    Development of the Periphrastic Causative Construction with a Causative Marker Thām in Thai
    (2024-08-27) Piyamahapong, Piroon
    Periphrastic causative constructions have been extensively studied in linguistics. However, earlier explorations have predominantly concentrated on their characteristics from a synchronic perspective. This research aims to enhance previous investigations by employing a constructionist approach to analyze the developmental trajectory of the Thai analytic causative construction with a causative marker thām and to discuss the constructional pathway it follows. Contexts with a lexical item thām were gathered from three distinct sources: The Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Anthropology Centre, Vajirayana Digital Library, and Thai National Corpus. Analysis revealed reveals that the serial verb construction encompassing thām was the source of development. This construction evolved into the transitive resultative construction through the lexical aspect extension of the verb following thām. Eventually, the analytic causative construction emerged in the mid-20th century, characterized by an increased schematicity and a decreased semantic compositionality. The trajectory adheres to an elaboration pathway, where the simpler constructions with a higher degree of event and syntactic integration developed into more intricate ones with a lower degree of event and syntactic integration. The present study lays the groundwork for typological research into periphrastic causative constructions with a causative marker originally denoting ‘to make’, which are widespread in Southeast Asian languages.
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    Tail-head Linkage in Papuan Malay
    (2024-08-27) Kluge, Angela
    This paper describes tail-head linkage (THL) in Papuan Malay, spoken in coastal West Papua. Four aspects are examined, the compositional, relational and functional properties, and the different discourse genres. As regards the compositional properties, Papuan Malay does not make a morphosyntactic distinction between the tail and the head clause; both clause types are of the same rank. The intonation contour is characterized by a falling intonation in the tail clause and a rising intonation in the head clause which indicates continuation. In recapitulating the tail clause event, speakers typically employ recapitulative linkage, and less often mixed or summary linkage. Concerning the relational properties, the content connection between the head and the discourse-new clause is most often a semantic one of sequential temporality, and less often a parenthetical or quote connection. The main functions of THL are to ensure discourse cohesion and to facilitate processing ease. With respect to its cohesive function, two distinct features are that THL tends to signal thematic discontinuity rather than continuity, and that THL marks the discourse-new rather than the head clause to signal discontinuity. The processual functions are achieved through the repetition of information and distribution of arguments over two or more clauses. As for the discourse genres, THL most often occurs in narrative discourses, and less frequently in procedural and conversational discourses.
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    On the Binding Preference for Thai Reflexives: The Role of Morphology, Syntax, and Pragmatics
    (2024-08-27) Meechanyakul, Naparat
    Thai reflexives have two forms: a bare form tuaʔeŋ ‘self’ and a compound form tuakhǎwʔeŋ ‘himself, herself’. They can be bound by either local or long-distance antecedents. This study investigates the extent to which morphological forms of reflexives, locality constraint and pragmatic factors determine the selection of antecedents for Thai reflexives. Results from a binary forced-choice judgment task show that contextual information is a crucial factor guiding the selection. When contextual information is insufficiently available (i.e., unbiased/neutral), locality constraints are likely to be obeyed. The form of reflexives, bare or compound, does not seem to influence the binding option of Thai reflexives, except in the long-distance biased context where the compound form tuakhǎwʔeŋ is preferred. This study complements previous studies on Thai reflexives by addressing the role of contexts on the binding options for various forms of reflexives.